Kollaboration mellem Enhedslisten og DR

Nyhedsavisen kunne idag afsløre det samarbejde mellem DR´s underleverandør Christoffer Guldbrandtsen og Enhedslisten, der lå til grund for pseudo-dokumentaren "Den hemmelige krig". I Nyhedsavisens blog-sektion uddyber Simon Andersen derefter:

Nogle eksempler på hvordan Enhedslisten har deltaget i Guldbrandsens kampagne – og omvendt.

1) De to journalister bag programmet, Christoffer Guldbrandsen og Niels Giveren, har ifølge en journaloversigt forsøgt at få aktindsigt i det direktiv, der handlede om de udsendte danske soldaters mulighed for at bruge magt. Det skete senest 3. april 2006. Forsvarsministeriet svarede den 5. maj 2006 – samme dag blev der via Folketingets forsvarsudvalg stillet spørgsmål om udlevering af direktiver for specialstyrkerne i Afghanistan i 2001-2002. Frank Aaen stillede den 17. oktober 2006 yderligere fire spørgsmål - S274, S275, S276 og S277.

2) Danmarks Radio bad i 2005 om at få aktindsigt i rapporterne fra de to operationer hvor der blev tilbageholdt fanger. Det fik journalisterne i overstreget form. Den 14. september 2005 bad Frank Aaen (S3664) om at få de samme situationsrapporter.

3) Nu bliver det lidt kompliceret. I sin gennemførte iscenesættelse af filmen, plantede Christoffer Guldbrandsens nogle af filmens centrale påstande i store aviser.

Torsdag den 30. november 2006 viste Guldbrandsen klip fra filmen til journalist Mathias Seidelin fra Politiken. Det drejer sig om de klip, der vedrørte danske soldaters overlevering af 31 fanger. Historien blev bragt fredag den 1. december 2006.

Det interessante er at Guldbrandsen samme dag, den 30. november 2006, viste andre klip til journalist Anders Langballe fra Jyllands-Posten i håb om at også Jyllands-Posten ville bringe en historie og skabe størst mulig opmærksomhed om filmen. Klippet handler om en jurists krav om at der blev indledt rigsretssag mod forsvarsministeren fordi han undlod at fortælle Folketinget at han – ifølge påstandene – var orienteret om at USA ikke ville overholde konventionerne.

Jyllands-Posten valgte ikke at bringe historien – men den 1. december, dagen efter Langballe blev præsenteret for klippene, stillede Frank Aaen følgende spørgsmål i Folketinget: ”Var statsministeren orienteret om, at den amerikanske regering ikke ville overholde Geneve-konventionen i Afghanistan, da danske soldater i foråret 2002 overlod krigsfanger i amerikansk varetægt?” – det ser unægtelig ud som om (men jeg kan ikke bevise det) at Frank Aaen var fuldt vidende om at Christoffer Guldbrandsen havde vist disse klip til Jyllands-Posten og at begge troede at det ville blive den store sag i Jyllands-Posten, samme dag spørgsmålet blev stillet. Og at Aaen i det hele taget var orienteret om de centrale pointer i filmen. Meget tyder på at Frank Aaen var fuldt ud informeret.

4) Den Hemmelige Krig skulle have været vist i oktober 2006, men blev senere udskudt.
I oktober – den 5. – anmeldte Enhedslisten to beslutningsforslag, hvoraf det ene detaljeret spiller på det samme som Christoffer Guldbrandsen senere gør i sin film, nemlig at fanger, danske soldater måtte have taget under krigsindsats, risikerer en ukendt skæbne.

Filmen bliver dog udskudt til november og senere til december. Danmarks Radio oplyser, vist i slutningen af november, at filmen skal bringes den 11. december.

Enhedslistens beslutningsforslag skal til afstemning den 5. december 2006. Partiet beder nu i en mail den 28. november 2006 om at behandlingen af forslaget flyttes. (Senere bliver filmens tv-premiere rykket igen og filmen vises den 7. december). Det afviser Folketinget og forslaget trækkes derfor tilbage. Enhedslisten selv oplyser at forslaget ikke blev trukket tilbage, fordi filmpremieren blev rykket, men alene fordi forslaget på grund af travlhed ville blive behandlet meget sent.

Vi ved altså:

• At Enhedslisten flere gange har stillet de spørgsmål, Danmarks Radio ikke kunne få svar på.

• At Enhedslisten den 1. december 2006 stillede et spørgsmål i Folketinget, der præcist fulgte op på indholdet i en artikel, Christoffer Guldbrandsen dagen før forsøgte at plante i Jyllands-Posten – men som Jyllands-Posten i sidste øjeblik besluttede ikke at bringe. Enhedslisten kan kun fra Christoffer Guldbrandsen være vidende om hvad der skulle have stået i Jyllands-Posten.

• Enhedslisten fremsatte den 5. oktober – det var på det tidspunkt planen at filmen skulle bringes i oktober – to beslutningsforslag, hvoraf det ene helt præcist berører nøjagtigt det samme spørgsmål, Guldbrandsen rejser i sin film: Spørgsmålet om behandling af fanger, der under krigsaktioner overlades til USA.

• Danmarks Radio beslutter at bringe filmen, først i november, siden den 11. december. Enhedslistens beslutningsforslag er programsat til at komme til debat i Folketinget den 5. december 2006, altså før filmen skal bringes på DR2. Enhedslisten beder om at debatten flyttes, men det afviser Folketinget. Derfor aflyses den.

Flade til "De Unge"

Nyhedsavisen er for tiden et overflødighedshorn af interessant læsning, selv i debat-sektionen. En smagsprøve, anden halvdel af Michael Munk Kucirek´s læserbrev "Færre unge og flere urmagere":

Den hyppige forekomst af ordene »Vi vil have« i pressemeddelelsen fremsat i forbindelse med besættelsen af huset på Dorotheavej er således bemærkelsesværdig. De unge »vil have små biografsale (…), hvor man kan se film gratis hver søndag, når man er træt og vil slappe af.« De vil også »spise rigtigt tit og rigtigt billigt, måske endda gratis.« De vil »kunne gå i byen og få en lille fjer på uden at skulle leve af jord ugen efter af pengemangel. Vi vil gerne kunne se koncerter hver uge og måske købe en plade eller to og en T-shirt med hjem.«

Det vil jeg også gerne. Men nu er jeg på SU, så jeg må nøjes med at vente til fødselsdag og jul med at få cd’er og t-shirts.

Børn der smadrer

Det er yderligere bemærkelsesværdigt, at de unge, der angiveligt kæmper for venstrefløjsidealer og fællesskab, ikke kan se ud over deres egne næsetippe i omfordelingen af samfundets værdier.

Med hvilken ret er det, at de »vil have«? Hvad vil de yde for at kunne nyde?

Det er den slags svæklinge, et kastreret samfund avler. Vi mangler en naturkatastrofe eller en krig. Først i manglen værdsættes overfloden. Mere vil blot have mere. De unge fra og for Ungdomshuset er at sammenligne med børn, der, når de ikke kan få deres vilje, skriger hysterisk og stamper i gulvet. Forskellen er blot, at de ikke nøjes med at skrige og stampe; de går amok og smadrer alting. Både mennesker og ejendom.

Så når politienken om nogle dage eller uger må gå hjem til sine børn og fortælle dem, at far aldrig mere kommer hjem, så må hun forklare, at det skete, fordi der var nogle unge, der ville have gratis cd’er og gratis T-shirts.

Et søm i DR´s kiste

Nyhedsavisen har i de sidste par uger gjort et eksemplarisk arbejde i at pille DR´s propagandafilm "Den Hemmelige Krig" grundigt fra hinanden. I dag kom endnu et søm i DR´s troværdigheds ligkiste, med yderligere baggrund til, hvorfor tilfangetagne jihadi´ers påstande på ingen måde kan tages for pålydende:

DR-dokumentarens kronvidne afviser at der fandt vold eller overgreb sted i Afghanistan i 2002.

»What the hell are you do­ing?« – »Hvad fanden har du gang i?«.

Chef Irvine – alias Chris Irvine, om dagen leder af afhøringscentret i Kandehar – havde taget telefonen, trykket nummeret til Tom Cavanaugh, en sergent, der var gået for langt. Han havde anbragt en fange på knæ og bedt ham holde armene strakt ud for sig.

Fangen var en »cocky fuck« – og det er grimt. Stop, skreg Irvine, men Cavanaugh afviste.

»Det er sgu' ikke værre end vores militære træning,« sagde han.

»Forskellen er,« gjorde Chris Irvine det klart, »at du selv meldte dig til den militære træning.«
Og sådan blev det. Overgrebet stoppede, før det var begyndt.

Typisk dag i Kandehar

Historien er, forsikrer Chris Hogan, typisk for hans oplevelser som afhøringsleder i Kandahar-lejren i Afghanistan fra slutningen af 2001 til august 2002.

Fangerne blev behandlet godt, fortæller Chris Hogan.

»Ikke én eneste gang har jeg set, hørt om, for slet ikke at sige deltaget i noget, der minder om overgreb eller tortur – noget, der på nogen måde overtræder Geneve-konventionen,« forsikrer han over for Nyhedsavisen i telefonen fra Connecticut. ..

I DR-dokumentaren påstås det, at fanger led overlast, men instruktør Christoffer Guldbrandsen har ikke i sin film medtaget ét eneste ord fra samtalerne med Chris Hogan, hvor han ellers hver gang siger det samme:

Ingen vold, ingen overgreb, ingen overtrædelser af konventionen.

Pris for at følge reglerne

'Desværre' er et forkert ord – og så alligevel. For det var dødfrustrerende for Hogan og de andre forhørsledere, at det stort set var umuligt at vride et ord ud af de utallige Taleban-krigere, der kom ind i lejren, efterhånden som kampene skred frem:

»Jeg er sikker på, at vi – netop fordi vi fulgte reglerne – ikke fik knækket personer, der kendte til konkrete terrorplaner eller terrorceller, og at det en dag vil skade vores land,« siger Chris Hogan. ..

»Vi var trænet i positiv afhøring. Vi skulle have en venlig tilgang, det var filosofien – for eksempel ved at lokke en tilfangetagen sovjetisk soldat med, at han kunne komme til USA og bo i New York, når krigen var slut,« fortæller Chris Hogan.

Teknikkerne var indrettet på, at 95 procent af fangerne ville samarbejde, mens fem procent ikke ville. I Afghanistan var det omvendt.

»Venlighed? De var ligeglade. De var ikke interesserede i vores venlighed«,,husker han.

Al-Qaeda-plan gav chok

Afhøringsfolkene fik et sandt chok, da amerikanske soldater en dag dukkede op med en 'afhøringsmanual' på cirka 60 sider, fundet i felten hos nogle al-Qaeda-folk.

Manualen beskrev en række metoder til at sabotere en afhøring og indeholdt, husker Chris Hogan, en »rystende og rammende præcis beskrivelse« af den amerikanske virkelighed.

Det blev beskrevet, at amerikanerne ikke ville skade fangerne, selvom de kunne have lyst. Ligesom manualen fortalte, hvordan man som fange skulle klage øjeblikkeligt, hvis man led overlast. Af manualen fremgik det også, at en fange kunne ødelægge en forhørsleders karriere ved at fremvise et ar eller en skade til Røde Kors, og at amerikanernes uvilje mod at bruge tortur i afhøringerne var udtryk for »amerikansk svaghed.« ..

Da Hogan ankom til landet, var han fast besluttet at følge konventionerne til sidste bogstav. Alle fulgte reglerne, undtagen Tom Cavanaugh, der råbte af fangerne og af og til, indtil nogen så og stoppede det, og anbragte fangerne i stressende situationer.

Men, medgiver Hogan, efterhånden udviklede afhøringsfolkene metoder til at omgå Geneve-konventionen.

At berøve fanger deres søvn er for eksempel forbudt, men i Afghanistan udviklede afhøringsfolkene en anden variant: Man lod afhøringerne fortsætte i op til 30 timer. Det var tilladt, når bare også de selv (og ikke kun fangen) måtte holde sig vågne, mente afhøringsfolkene.

At true fanger med at blive henrettet er også forbudt, men også den regel blev omgået: Da stort set alle de fanger, der blev bragt ind til basen, ikke var soldater, men krigere, og næsten altid bar civilt tøj, kunne man kalde dem spioner – og spioner kan henrettes. Derfor truede amerikanerne i en række tilfælde fangerne med at blive henrettet.

Stolt af det er Chris Hogan ikke, forstår man. Men sådan var virkeligheden: Den amerikanske ledelse sukkede efter viden, men fik stort set ingen, dertil var fangerne alt for ligeglade – og forhørslederne alt for venlige.

Som det fremgik af den al-Qaeda-manual, der blev fundet:

»Amerikanerne vil give dig tre halal-måltider om dagen og ret til brusebad nogle gange om ugen. Men lyv over for dem, nægt at fortælle noget, skift historie – der er intet, de kan gøre.«

Mens vi venter på 20.000 amerikanere

Allerede før yderligere 20.000 amerikanske tropper er landet i Irak begynder de at påvirke kampene i landet. De to hoved-lejre, der lejlighedsvist slår koalitions-styrker ihjel er blevet mål for yderligere angreb i opløbet til troppeforstærkningerne:

For de sunni-muslimske jihadier i det al-Qaeda-centrerede Irakiske Mujahedin Shura-Råd er det et simpelt spørgsmål om overlevelse. Fallujah viste jihadierne, at bykamp mod amerikanere ikke fører til andet end tusindvis af døde jihadier. Derfor er de af deres nye leder Abu Ayyub al-Masri blevet beordret til at flygte fra Baghdad til Diyala-provinsen, hvor de imidlertid er blevet mål for en ny irakisk-amerikansk offensiv, der allerede har slået 50 af dem ihjel.

For de shia-muslimske jihadi der er nuværende eller tidligere medlemmer af Moqtada al-Sadr´s Mehdi-hær er det mere et spørgsmål om politisk end fysisk overlevelse, al den tid at moder-organisationen ikke officielt er i kamp med hverken den irakiske regering (den samarbejder ofte med den) eller de amerikanske styrker, men ikke desto mindre kan se sine kadrer af tortur-bødler blive stadig mere udtyndet af en bølge af arrestationer. Hidtil er over 600 Sadrister blevet sat bag tremmer, deraf 16 af høj rang. En syttende er blevet dræbt. Af samme grund er mange af lederne af Baghdads dødspatruljer også flygtet til Iran (via LGF - hold den tidligere fremførte skepsis overfor sunnimuslimske MP´ers beskyldninger for øje, men overvej også om det ikke kan være sandt):

DEATH SQUAD leaders have fled Baghdad to evade capture or killing by American and Iraqi forces before the start of the troop “surge” and security crackdown in the capital.

A former senior Iraqi minister said most of the leaders loyal to Moqtada al-Sadr, the radical anti-American cleric, had gone into hiding in Iran.

Among those said to have fled is Abu Deraa, the Shi’ite militia leader whose appetite for sectarian savagery has been compared to that of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, the leader of Al-Qaeda in Iraq, who was killed last year.

The former minister, who did not want to be named for security reasons, backed Sunni MPs’ claims that Nouri al-Maliki, the Iraqi prime minister, had encouraged their flight. He alleged that weapons belonging to Sadr’s Mahdi Army had been hidden inside the Iraqi interior ministry to prevent confiscation.

Maliki said last week: “I know that senior criminals have left Baghdad, others have left the country. This is good — this shows that our message is being taken seriously.”

En gruppe der stadig står en del mystik om er målet for dagens overskrifter om, at irakiske og amerikanske tropper har dræbt 250 bevæbnede ekstremister i kampe i plantagerne i Najafs nordlige forstad Zarqa. Antallet kan man stille spørgsmålstegn al den tid at det kommer fra det irakiske politi, der har en tendens til at blæse tabstal op før de har haft mulighed for at overhovedet at tælle de dræbte. Najafs guvernør siger da også, at det totale antal af ekstremister er 200, hvoraf altså ikke alle er dræbt.

Også ekstremisternes identitet er der imidlertid tvivl om. Mens guvernøren kalder dem sunnimuslimske oprørere iblandet udenlandske krigere siger shia-muslimske politiske kilder, det er en blanding af sunni-muslimer og shia-muslimer loyale over for en præst ved navn Ahmed Hassani. Reuters nøjes med det neutrale "en muslimsk kult".

Googler mand navnet Ahmed Hassani dukker der kun en enkelt nyhedshistorie op, om at han i juli, da han var tilknyttet Sadr´s Mehdi-hær, blev arresteret sammen med en kendt terrorist. Noget kunne altså tyde på endnu en aflægger af kampagnen mod Sadr´s tropper. For at krydre historien nævnes det, at de 200 ekstremister skulle have som mål at slå højtstående shiitiske præster ihjel under Ashura-højtiden, der begynder i disse dage.

Inkluderer man muligheden af, at Ahmed Hassani oprindeligt kommer fra Baghdad - og at hans tilnavn altså er al-Baghdadi - finder man ham gennem de sidste 3 år som en konstant stemme mod at sunni- og shiamuslimske irakere skal slå hinanden ihjel, og istedet koncentrere sig om at slå alle andre ihjel. Som sådan har han fordømt de demokratiske valg, har været medstifter af Det Politiske Bureau for den Irakiske Modstand, og har opnået den "ære" sammen med Mutada al-Sadr at være undtaget fra al Qaedas officielle politik med at udrydde alle Iraks shia-muslimer.

UPDATE:

Støvet er ved at lægge sig lidt efter elimineringen af nogle hundrede islamister i Najaf. Men også kun lidt. Alt efter hvilket medie, man lytter til er der nu tale om en shiitisk kult eller en blanding af shia- og sunnimuslimer der kun af ydre var shiitisk og om en irakisk gruppe eller en gruppe ledet og delvist udgjort af udlændinge. Antallet af dræbte der rapporteres om varierer mellem 200 og 350, og selv sektens/kultens/gruppens leder kan man ikke blive enige om. Oprindeligt blev som ovenfor nævnt navnet Ahmed Hassani bragt på banen. Han er nu forsvundet fra medierne, og istedet køres to andre personer på banen: Ali bin Ali bin Abi Talab i New York Times og hos BBC, og Ahmed Hassan al-Yamani i Washington Post.

Med andre ord ved vi idag reelt ikke ikke meget mere end i går.

• New York Times: Shiite Cult Aimed to Kill Clerics in Iraq
• Washington Post: Iraqis Raid Insurgents Near Shiite Holy City
• Al Jazeera: US, Iraqi forces kill 350 fighters near Najaf
• BBC: "Hundreds" killed in Iraq battle

Bemærk forøvrigt, at al Jazeera traditionen tro rapporterer de højeste tabstal, og åbenbart mener at de 120 fanger der er taget rapporteres som dræbte.

Dubya

Chris Wayan har på sin hjemmeside leget med sin hobby: at udsætte forskellige planeter for lidt af hvert, og se hvordan resultatet bliver. Alt baseret på klimatologiske, historiske og oceanografiske principper. Der bliver ikke gjordt vold på selve planeten - ingen opfundne kontinenter, asteroider eller supernovaer, ingen ekstra vand eller luft. Jorden ændrer heller ikke bane.

Scenarioerne er alle interessante, men tag især et kig på Dubya, et scenarie hvor jorden 1000 år ude i fremtiden har opnået en koncentration af kuldioxyd, der er dobbelt så stor som idag. Resultatet er - på trods af forfatterens vurdering af USA´s udledning af drivhusgasser som tæt på kriminel - langt fra deprimerende. Han har kaldet den alternative Jord for Dubia, et spil på George W. Bush´s øgenavn. Tag et kig. En smagsprøve:

Alt for at irritere Bush

DR har allerede fejret, at demokraterne har vundet flertallet i begge den amerikanske kongres´ kamre. Indtil videre har de også ladet os vide, at demokraterne prøver at forhindre at Bush kan sende 20.000 ekstra soldater til Irak, for eksempel ved at fastfryse det amerikanske budget på 2006-niveauet, så Bush ikke kan få godkendt financieringen af de ekstra tropper. Hvad vi indtil videre IKKE har fået at vide er, at demokraterne derved står til at dømme mellem 110.000 og 175.000 aids-syge til døden:

A stalemate in Congress over financing the federal government through the remainder of the year could shortly upend progress in bringing AIDS drugs to needy patients in poor countries hardest hit by the global scourge.

At stake is nearly $1 billion in new spending for various programs to fight AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria abroad. The Bush administration had sought the money, and both houses in Congress were inclined to support the funding, but it could all disappear by the end of February without special consideration by lawmakers whose attention is now focused on Iraq. ..

Dr. Mark Dybul, director of PEPFAR, the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, warned a Washington audience last week that unless Congress authorizes the additional money to continue expanding the program, new overseas enrollment in antiviral drug treatment -- at a rate of 50,000 new patients each month -- will have to stop by the end of February.

Because of an impasse over budget priorities that began during the waning days of the Republican-controlled Congress last fall, nearly all federal spending for this year has been frozen at 2006 levels. That creates special problems for programs, like PEPFAR, that were scheduled for big expansions in 2007.

Unless the new Democrat-controlled Congress makes an exception, PEPFAR will have to stay at last year's spending level through September -- leaving no money for new enrollment after February. As a result, 350,000 HIV-positive people slated to start AIDS drug treatment, most of them in Africa, won't get their medicine. Dybul estimated that 110,000 to 175,000 of them will die.

"That's what we are talking about. It's not just enrolling people on therapy,'' he said during a meeting of the Global Health Council. "It's people who will die -- they're gone.''

Dybul also estimated that without the additional money, 23,000 children will become infected at birth because services to prevent mother-to-fetus transmission of HIV "will pretty much have to halt.''

Che Hussein

Set på Gates of Vienna. Smut selv derover.

1.700 dræbt i racistisk kriminalitet

Fra TV2 Nyhederne:

Den sydafrikanske historiker David Rat­tray, en nær ven af Storbritanniens prins Charles, er blevet dræbt for øjnene af sin hustru på sin farm i Syd­afrika, oplyser lokale aviser.

Der menes at være tale om en likvide­ring, idet de seks bevæbnede gernings­mænd ikke stjal noget i forbindelse med drabet, skriver avisen Sunday Independent.

TV2 Nyhederne fortæller det ikke - få danske medier har gidet røre historien - men mordet på David Rattray er blot endnu et i rækken på 1.700 racistiske mord på hvide landmænd i Sydafrika. Ofte er der tale om direkte angreb på personer, hvor ofrene overfaldes, torteres, voldtages og lemlæstes før de slås ihjel, og hvor intet stjæles. Andre gange kombineres mord of tortur med tyveri. Atter andre gange overlever ofrene, og slipper med at blive udsat for grov vold. Et par eksempler:

After some distance, a gate and a long rutted track mark the entrance to a farm set well back from the road.

It is owned by Ernest Breytenbach. He has 120 cattle on 5,700 acres, with a simple house built round an Aga brought in by wagon in the 1920s. His father, André, was killed when he got out of his “bakkie” (pick-up truck) at the gate in August 1998. It was a bad month on the farms: 66 people were murdered – four of them set on fire. In another attack, the farmer had been bound and beaten, but nothing was taken from the house and his firearm was still on the wardrobe.

“They were waiting for my dad to get back from dropping off his workers,” Breytenbach says. “He was shot in the stomach. They made off with his bakkie and dumped him. When we found him, they’d taken the spotlights off the bakkie. They put them by his face, like eyes, and they put the licence plates at his head and his feet. I don’t know why they did it. Maybe it was to say, ‘Look what we did,’ to get on the front page.” ..

His father was the first to be murdered at Louis Trichardt. Many attacks have followed. Werner and Brigitte Wiedeck live close by, in a pin-neat house with garden gnomes in the conservatory and doilies on the armchairs. They have been robbed eight times in three years. Twice they were beaten. The worst was last April.

“They put a gun to my husband’s head and tied him up, and gagged me with a scarf,” says Brigitte. “Then they started beating me with a steel pole. They already had all our money, but they kept demanding more. I was choking on my own blood. I feigned dead and they went.
“I got free and I cut Werner loose. I was very lucky. The doctors were fighting for three days for my life. I had serious skull fractures. I needed nine steel plates. I lost my right eye.” The police, she says, took two hours to drive the few miles from town. “No one checked for bullets, for fingerprints, for tracks in the bush. They did more or less nothing.”

Dolores de Agrella runs Adam’s Apple, a roadside inn on the way into town. “There was a whole spate of attacks in June 2004,” she says. “We were robbed twice: videos, TVs, even a pot of oxtail I was making for Father’s Day lunch. We were cleaned out, so I thought we were safe. One evening, the dog barked, and a figure appeared in my room. He pulled my jaw down and put a gun in my mouth, and pulled the trigger. Without a word. Just like that. But it didn’t go off. Then he started trying to pull me down. I started kicking and screaming and grappling with him. He was a puny little thing. As fast as he’d arrived, he was gone. I’m only alive because he had the wrong calibre bullet in the gun.” ..

Mimie du Toit runs a game farm that caters for hunters, mainly Scandinavian and Spanish. Her husband was killed when the steering column on his vehicle broke on a hunting trip. Her father, Ben Keyter, farmed cattle 30 miles away. He was murdered in January 2005.

“They asked my mom for water,” she says. “She opened the door and they pushed in. Two of them pulled my dad outside. They made my mom watch while they killed him with a spade. They said, ‘Look, you can’t help him.’ Then they hit my mom very bad. She had blood all on one side, and they threw the deepfreeze on top of her and left her for dead. Then she got a stroke. Now she’s in Pretoria for speech therapy.” Her father was 79. He was killed for his cell phone and his 780 rand (£70) monthly pension. Three arrests were made. “It was the farmers who got them,” she says. “The police did nothing.” ..

Billy Meyer, a small-scale farmer, was shot dead through the head at 7.30pm on a Saturday as he sat in his house with his baby. Farmers tracked his killers for 60 kilometres towards the border with Zimbabwe but did not catch them. His near neighbours Gillie and Sophia Fick have a prosperous spread of 17,000 acres. “It’s only God’s will that we’re still here,” they say. At 5.45am, Gillie got into his bakkie to drive out to the fields. There were four attackers. Two of them pointed guns at his head. They pulled him out of the truck and forced him to the ground.

Then they started breaking in the windows and burglar bars with a pickaxe.“I heard the glass go,” says Sophia. “I took my pistol and fired three shots out through the curtains. I wasn’t worried for my husband. I thought he was already dead. Then I pushed the panic alarm. The siren went off. They fired some shots and drove off in our bakkie. They dumped it at the tarmac road, where they had cars waiting.”

“The farmers put up a roadblock and caught some of them,” says Gillie. “We got a helicopter from friends and we spotted another in thick bush and caught him. The police were hopeless. They didn’t even take fingerprints from my bakkie, though the four of them were in it.”

En gennemgående detalje i historierne er, at politiet ikke gider efterforske mord på hvide, og at når de faktisk samler beviser, så forsvinder de. Måske er manglen på interesse ikke overraskende når man tager Sydafrikas (sorte) præsidents nedladende kommentar til de 1.700 mord i betragtning:

President Mbeki has said that whites have a “psychosis” of “fear about their survival in a sea of black savages”. He has said, remarkably, that they are “addicted” to their fear.

Den eneste sikkerhed de hvide landmænd i Sydafrika har er i egen styrke, en styrke myndighederne endda nogle gange er nødt til at appellere til om hjælp:

Makhado boasts a high-security prison too – the most modern in the country. It houses 3,800 hardened criminals. The prison choir performed with Jo’burg’s symphony orchestra in February. It says much for the new South Africa.

So, alas, does what followed last month. The wardens went on strike. The inmates rioted and set one of the blocks on fire. No police or troops were at hand to secure the perimeter. The prison authorities asked Farm Watch for help. As flames and smoke drifted across the night, every 20 yards a bakkie was drawn up at the wire, and a Boer, unmistakable in rugger shorts and a khaki shirt, stood guard until the army arrived.

Mere Irak

Fra The Weekly Standard, om de ikke-voldelige politikker shiaerne bruger mod deres tidligere undertrykkere, sunnierne, og hvorfor der er brug for de 20.000 ekstra amerikanske soldater primært i Baghdad:

To get an idea of the problems facing American commanders in Iraq, consider the case of the Rafidain Bank in Baghdad's Amiriyah neighborhood. The bank, which has been closed since shortly after Saddam's fall, isn't much more than a storefront on a street lined with small retail businesses, but residents desperately want it reopened. General George Casey visited Amiriyah in mid-December, heard those demands, and ordered his top subordinates to make reopening the bank a priority.

Colonel J.B. Burton, who has responsibility for Amiriyah, snapped into action. Money was spent to install surveillance cameras and teller windows. Concrete barriers were put out front as protection from car bombs. The Sunni management of the bank hired local guards. All the work was done quietly through Iraqi intermediaries so it would not look like an American project and become a target for insurgents. By late December, the bank was open again.

And here is where the story takes an all-too-familiar turn. After three weeks of brisk activity, the bank was no longer doing business, a victim not of insurgent bombs, but of the Iraqi government. The finance ministry, which is controlled by the Shia SCIRI party, ordered the bank closed. It's not secure, ministry officials explained, and therefore must be shut down. Military officials with responsibility for Amiriyah say the claim is bogus. "That bank is secure because these people have a vested interest in keeping it secure," says Major Brynt Parmeter. "We could open it tomorrow." The military suspects the bank was shuttered for
another reason: It was injecting economic vibrancy into a Sunni neighborhood that had been slowly dying.

This kind of story is told and retold every day in Baghdad. The Shia-dominated federal and local governments are systematically denying resources to Baghdad's Sunni neighborhoods. You see it in lines that go on for blocks at fuel stations. The Sunni areas don't get much gas or kerosene. You see it in the trash strewn everywhere in once upscale Sunni neighborhoods. Sanitation trucks don't come anymore. "They have the trucks," says Major Parmeter. "They have the people to drive them, but the trash isn't picked up." Fuel lines are much shorter in the Shia neighborhoods, but access to those stations is frequently blocked by Shia militia thugs who stand in front of the stations and, mafia-like, decide who gets fuel and who doesn't.

Several U.S. military officers I spoke to in Baghdad are convinced that the squeezing of Baghdad's Sunni neighborhoods is a deliberate operation carried out primarily by Baghdad's unelected Shia provincial government. The local government, they say, is trying to "soften" the Sunni neighborhoods, so Shia militias can move in and force out Sunni residents. Whether it is government malfeasance or incompetence, the result is the same.

The first thing that hits you in these neighborhoods is the stench of garbage. Picking up trash was part of the mission when the military launched Operation Together Forward back in August. The plan was to kill the bad guys, clean up the streets, and give Iraqis a chance to take their neighborhoods back. In the Sunni Doura neighborhood, the military scored its first success. The insurgents were either killed or chased away, the trash bulldozed, and sure enough, the markets reopened and a sense of normalcy returned. That was August. In September, as soon as U.S. troops left, the trash began to pile up again. Dead bodies piled up too--many of them with holes drilled in their heads. Over the past three months, this has been perhaps Baghdad's deadliest neighborhood.

Dødspatruljer i Irak

Efter en uges penge brugt i slægtsforskningens tegn er det ved at være på tide at tage blogningen op igen. Næsten vanen tro leverer de danske medier anledningen, denne gang dog på en positiv - eller rettere informativ måde.

Det er Dags Dato Special fra i onsdags, der er tale om, men dokumentaren The Death Squads om de dødspatruljer, der i Irak står for hovedparten af de fund af torterede og henrettede lig, vi hører om i medierne.

Dokumentaren gør et godt job med at samle indikationer på, at det er militsmænd loyale over for de to iransk-støttede militser Badr-brigaderne og Mahdi-hæren, der står bag. Værten Deborah Davies´ teatralske påfund (som at iklæde sig skudsikker vest, en konvoj af biler og 100 livvagter for at afhente billeder og video i en konvolut der lige så godt kunne være overbragt med posten) kunne jeg godt have undværet, men generelt er dokumentaren uhyre seværdig.

En ting man dog skal holde sig in mente: få mennesker med magt i Irak kan siges at være uskyldige. Den irakiske hovedkilde til dokumentaren - det sunnimuslimske parlamentsmedlem Mohammed al-Daini - nævnes som "modstander af den amerikanske besættelse". Oversæt dette som "støtte af de sunnimuslimske terrorister".

Han er heller ikke ked af at vise det. HRINFO kunne i efteråret i sit ugebrev for ugen 29. september til 5. oktober afsløre, at de havde video af at han han truede journalister på tv-stationen al-Iraqiya på livet. Inden der var gået en uge var al-Iraqiya-journalisten Raid Qais Al Shammari blevet skudt i sin bil i Baghdad, og tre dage senere blev hans kollega Ali Halil dræbt på samme måde.

Tilsvarende skal man holde sig in mente, at bare fordi ti af hans fætre blev henrettet efter at have besøgt ham betyder det ikke, at de var rene uskyldigheder. Hvad Hr. al-Daini´s fætre er i stand til kan man se af en elfte fætter, Rasool al-Daini. Han blev arresteret i torsdags for en imponerende række af forbrydelser:

The source said that Rasool Al Daini is accused to being involved in killing 49 civilians in Kanaan city in addition to his responsibility of displacing tens of Shiite and Kurdish families, assassinating tens of people and targeting the Iraqi security members

Med det in mente kan man imidlertid roligt se dokumentaren, hvis man ikke allerede har fået det gjort. Youtube´s version har problemer med synkroniseringen af lyd og billede, så prøv google video´s istedet:

UPDATE:

Fremviseren fra Google Video lader ikke til at virke her på bloggen, så jeg har slettet den. Istedet kan man vælge mellem selv at tage over på Google Video´s site og selv se dokumentaren der, eller se den i fem dele her på bloggen:

Afsløret på video: Prædikanter´s hadefulde budskab III

Worried har gjort mig opmærksom på, at klippene af den britiske dokumentar om radikal islam i England nu er offline. Kim har på Uriasposten gjort opmærksom på, at hele dokumentaren i sin helhed der kan fås i én fil. Her er den:

FANGEMISHANDLING I AFGHANISTAN!

For elleve dage siden var hele Danmark på den anden ende, da Politiken via journalist Matias Seidelin løj overskrifter frem om, at den danske regering havde udleveret fanger til "tortur" og "systematisk mishandling". Som jeg demonstrerede var der ikke fugls føde på påstandene, men det forhindrede ikke oppositionen i at ville kulegrave regeringen.

Hele historien byggede på, hvad en serie fanger havde påstået over for deres forhørsledere at nogle amerikanske vagter - ikke danske soldater eller den danske regering - havde gjort, og det samlede bevismateriale bestod af en flok buler og skrammer.

Men hvad hvis sagen havde drejet sig om, at et nuværende folketingsmedlem havde besøgt en diktaturstat midt under en borgerkrig, var taget på en udflugt uden ubehagelige vidner til diktaturets hemmelige politis hoved-fængsel, torturkælder og henrettelsesplads, og der i al fred og ro kunne give sig til at afhøre en fange?

Hvad hvis denne fange ikke - som i den danske fange-sag - var blevet løsladt i live, men simpelthen var forsvundet fra jordens overflade?

Og hvad hvis mængden af beviser ikke bestod af påstande, skrammer og buler, men af en massegrav med op mod 2.000 skeletter af fanger, med skudhuller i kraniet og brækkede knogler? Og hvad hvis man forventede at finde rester af titusindvis af flere fanger?

Ville det ikke være en sag værd, både for den menneskerettigheds-besatte opposition og for Amnesty International?

Åbenbart ikke.

I slutningen af marts 1980 rejste den dengang 28-årige ungkommunist Frank Aaen til det kommunistiske diktatur Afghanistan. Mens han var der inspicerede han det berygtede Pul-i-Charki fængsel i udkanten af Kabul. Fængslet, der blev ledet af KGB og den lokale kommunistiske afghanske sikkerhedstjeneste KHAD, var bygget oprindeligt bygget til 5.000 fanger, men under Frank Aaens inspektion var det pakket med 12.000 fanger (s. 13). Ingen protester over fangernes forhold er hørt fra Frank Aaens mund - tvært imod.

Det var her, i Pul-i-Charki-fængslet, at Frank Aaen forhørte den 27-årige fange Ziauddin Mahmound. Ingen neutrale vidner var til stede. Ingen har hørt noget fra Ziauddin siden.

26 år senere, for lidt under en måned siden, påbegyndte ISAF udgravningen af en af massegravene rundt om Pul-i-Charki-fængslet. Efter det første spadestik var taget 22. december begyndt resterne af de henrettede fanger at dukke op:

Human skulls with bullet wounds, broken bones, pieces of clothing and shoes were seen in the several metre-long grave.

“More than 50,000 of our innocent people - who were mainly jailed in Poli Charkhi prison, were executed at that time,” Tanwir asserted. “The recovered bodies show that many of them had been shot in the head and then buried.”

Selve den massegrav, der var taget hul på forventede man indeholdt resterne af 2.000 henrettede fanger.

At Frank Aaen var uvidende om masse-forsvindingerne af fanger i Afghanistan på tidspunktet for hans besøg kan man tillade sig at tvivle på. Han var der som gæst af det kommunistiske diktatur, og besøgte endda diktatoren (Babrak Kamal) personligt. Det var samme regimes ministerium for planlægning, der begyndte at registrere folk der var blevet forsvundne en måneds penge før Fran Aaen ankom til Afghanistan. Projektet blev opgivet efter tre uger, da de første 25.000 navne var kommet ind (War Crimes and Crimes against Humanity 1978-2001, s 17).

Alligevel venter vi stadig på, at oppositionen tager denne sag op.

Islamiske terrorister: muslimers forsøg på at være franskmænd

David Frum i National Review, med artiklen "How Islamic is Islamic Jihad":

I am very late getting to this, but I have not seen many links online, so I will proceed anyway.
One of the most provocative and interesting articles I've seen in the past year on Islamic terrorism was published in the November/December issue of Hoover's Policy Review: John Rosenthal's "The French Path to Jihad."

The article can be read in full here, but it is long and people are sometimes reluctant to click through, so let me summarize.

Between 2001 and 2003, a French academic named Farhad Khosrokhavar interviewed terror detainees in French prisons, including 10 suspected members of al Qaeda and 4 other Islamic radicals. His interviews and commentary have now been published in a French book, Quand Al-Qaida Parle, "When al Qaeda Speaks." Khosrokhavar's research suggests that al Qaeda has something very different to say from what most of us would expect to hear.

1) The terror suspects in French custody are not poor and not unsophisticated. One of them warns Khosrokhavar against the risks of using invalid sampling techniques in his research! The most radical are also the most privileged.

2) These French radicals tend almost never to come from religious families. Their religion is self-taught, and largely self-invented.

3) The pre-eminent target of their hatred is not the United States or Israel, but France. In fact, they know almost nothing about the United States or Israel - and what they do know, comes not from al Jazeera, but from the French media: Almost none of them speak Arabic.

That last observation suggests two very disturbing conclusions.

The first is this:

Europeans across the political spectrum share a belief that their comfortable lives have been jeopardized by an American-imposed "war on terror" that has radicalized their Muslim populations. Khosrokhavar's research suggests exactly the opposite conclusion: It is the failure of European societies to assimilate their Muslim migrants that creates a security threat for America.

One of the most fascinating and significant features of the Khosrokhavar interviews is that the mechanism of this transference of hate is clearly observable. Time and again, an inmate, having provided an inventory of the sources of his frustration in France, suddenly announces his intention to purge the full charge of his hatred in fighting against Israel and the United States.

Here's the second conclusion: the French media play an astoundingly important - and incredibly irresponsible - part in stoking the anti-American and anti-Israel prejudices of French Muslims. Listen to these observations based upon

The source of the inmates’ convictions about the injustices of which they accuse France is experience. What, then, is the source of their convictions about the injustice they believe Palestinian Arabs suffer at the hands of Israel and its presumptive American accomplice? “The TV.”It is important to recall in this connection that the first language of most of the inmates interviewed is French. Some, like Jacques, do not speak Arabic or have at most only a very limited knowledge of it. “The tv” to which they allude for the most part is undoubtedly French television. In France, where the cable and satellite television markets remain relatively limited (and were even more so when the interviews were conducted) and where just two channels split the bulk of the network television audience for news programming, “the tv,” generically designated in this way, typically means either tf1 (the only privately owned network to offer substantial news programming) or the leading public broadcaster, France 2.

It is, in effect, by way of the false immediacy of images of the Middle East conflict on the nightly news that the hatred the Islamists feel for France gets transferred to Israel. In the images of the Palestinian chebab doing battle with their homespun weaponry against the massively superior force of the Israeli Army, the French candidates for jihad see their own sense of victimhood reflected back to them in heroic guise. The Palestinian gunmen with their less wholesome Kalashnikovs and m16s remain outside the frame. So too, needless to say — since, in any case, it is not accessible in images — does all the background and context that could render Israeli military actions in the West Bank or Gaza comprehensible and/or dissipate the aura of absolute victimhood in which Palestinian Arabs are almost invariably bathed in the French media.

In order to appreciate just how deceptive the sense of immediacy relayed by these images can be, one need only consider the role played by France 2 in the creation of what has become the iconic representation of Palestinian victimhood: the image of 12-year-old Mohammad Al-Dura pinned against a wall and cowering behind his father’s body while allegedly caught in fire from an Israeli army post at Netzarim Junction in the Gaza strip. On September 30, 2000, at the very outset of the Second Intifada, France 2 broadcast footage of the seeming ordeal of Mohammad and his father, ending, after a mysterious cut, with the boy apparently lying dead on the ground. It was France 2 correspondent Charles Enderlin who identified the supposedly fatal fire as coming from the Israeli Army post. Indeed, Enderlin described the boy and his father as the “targets” of Israeli fire, thus seeming to imply that the killing of the boy was intentional. He would later explain the mysterious cut in the footage by claiming that the scene of the boy’s death throes was too heartrending to broadcast.

From the start, simple considerations of geometry contradicted France 2’s attribution of the gunfire to the Israeli Army. Some investigators went so far as to suggest that the entire episode had been staged. More recently, new evidence has come to light that clearly supports such allegations. Following years of stonewalling, in October 2004 France 2 agreed to allow three well-known French journalists — Luc Rosenzweig, Denis Jeambar, and Daniel Leconte — to view the unedited rushes filmed by the France 2 cameraman at Netzarim Junction. All three concur that the 27-minute reel consists almost entirely of obvious “play-acting” [mise-en-scene]. Jeambar and Leconte have politely allowed that the roughly three minutes depicting the Al-Dura episode “might,” nonetheless, be authentic. All three journalists likewise concur that, contrary to the claims of Charles Enderlin, the rushes contain no footage of Mohammad Al-Dura’s death throes. Confronted by the revelations of his colleagues, Enderlin has averred that even if his original report should turn out to have been false, “for me, the image corresponded to the reality of the situation not only in Gaza but also in the West Bank.”

The effects of such would-be representative and symbolically charged images of the Middle East conflict upon French and, more generally, European public opinion are well enough known. But the Khosrokhavar interviews clearly reveal the incitement they represent — incitement, namely, to jihad — for those in Europe or, for that matter, around the world who are psychologically predisposed to identify most intimately with Palestinian grievances.

Roseenthal adds his own broad and ominous coda:

The French Islamist inmates are evidently well aware that their ideas about the malevolence of American power, like their ideas about the exemplarity of Israeli “oppression,” place them well within the French intellectual mainstream. Thus “Karim,” for example, in admitting to having given lodging to Jihadists, remarks nonchalantly: “If they engaged in jihad, they had their reasons. When they revolted against the Americans, they weren’t the only ones. A large part of the French are also against American policy with respect to the Palestinians and others.”

. ... This recognition on their part suggests, finally, an intriguing question about the psychological dynamics propelling French Muslims into jihad. Prima facie, entry into jihad would seem to represent their ultimate rupture with French society. But as we have seen, despite the bluster with which the Islamists and fellow travelers interviewed by Khosrokhavar claim to reject “being French,” their discourse in fact exhibits significant traces of ambivalence toward France. Khosrokhavar goes so far as to suggest that for some France remains an unobtainable “object of desire.” Could not, then, the entry of French Islamists into jihad — not against France, but against precisely America — be rather a last desperate attempt to prove their worthiness of the affections and respect of French society: to prove, in effect, that they, the Islamists, are the better Frenchmen?

Rosenthal, Frum og Khosrokhavar overser her, at det ikke er franske værdier, islamisterne her forsøger at abe efter. Det er den franske venstrefløjs had til den individualisme som USA og for den sags skyld hovedparten af resten af den vestlige verden står for.

Islamisme er, med andre ord, ikke andet end et miskmask af gammeldags stokkonservativ islam og 70´ernes anti-amerikanske socialisme (hvis man vil trække det ud i det absurde og se en konspiration bag det, kan man prøve at læse "All roads lead to the third Rome" af Antero Leitzinger. Jeg skal understrege, jeg ikke tror på hans idéer, men spændende læsning er det da). Også i 70´erne gav den europæiske socialisme liv til terror-grupper.

Skulle man for øvrigt ikke have hørt om Mohammed al-Dura og de kontroversielle påstande om, at han skulle være blevet skudt af Israelske soldater, så kan jeg varmt anbefale mini-dokumentaren (14 minutter) "Birth of an Icon", der kan ses her:

Drivhuseffekten: det bliver bedre og bedre

Fjernsyns-nyhederne fik igen idag tiden til at gå med endnu en serie indlæg om, hvordan vi skal yde og ofre for, at vi kan redde verden og os selv fra drivhuseffekten. Skidt med, som tidligere nævnt her på bloggen, at Europa-komissionen har fundet ud af at Nordeuropa faktisk vil have enorm nytte af drivhuseffekten. Endnu en nyhed, denne gang en der ikke kom ud over erhvervs-sektionen i Politiken:

Den usædvanligt varme vinter har sat gang i bekymringer om skipister uden sne, bjørne, der ikke vil gå i hi, og gletchere, der smelter dråbe for dråbe.

Men andre nyder godt af de stigende temperaturer, som ifølge mange eksperter skyldes menneskeskabt global opvarmning.

Majsen for eksempel. »For 25 år siden kunne man ikke dyrke majs i Danmark, som man kan i dag«, fortæller Carl Åge Pedersen, fra Dansk Landbrugsrådgivning til Landbrugsrådets magasin Foodculture.

Vokser med varmen

Majsplanten trives i det milde klima.

I modsætning til korn, vokser majs mere og mere, jo varmere det bliver.

Hvede, ruge og havre vokser bedst i et sommervejr, mange danskere ville betegne som halvkedeligt med 15 til 20 grader.

Solsikker og sojabønner

Hvis temperaturstigningen fortsætter, bliver der mulighed for nye afgrøder som solsikker, sojabønner og vinterhavre på danske marker.

Dansk Landbrugsrådgivning eksperimenterer løbende med nye afgrøder, der kan vokse ved højere temperaturer.

Der har været forsøg med hirse og kornsorten quinoa, der traditionelt dyrkes i Sydamerika.

I den rapport, Europa-kommissionen offentliggør i denne uge slås det blandt andet fast, at høst-udbytter i nordeuropa vil stige med op til 70%.

Belejringen af Ain Jebel

Michael Totten er en blogger, der er på rundrejse i Libanon, og derfra skriver hyppige indlæg om hans indtryk, om interviews med høj og lav osv. En lille bid fra torsdagens indlæg, "The Siege og Ain Jebel", en kristen landsby omgivet af Hezbollah-kontrolleret territorium, og om dens oplevelser under krigem mellem Hezbollah og Israel i sommers:

He told me that 18 days after the start of the war a large group of civilians decided it was time to leave Ain Ebel and flee to the north. They were no longer willing to stay while Israel fired back at Hezbollah’s rocket launchers. It was too dangerous, and Hezbollah insisted on staying and endangering those who lived there.

So they fled the area in a convoy of civilian vehicles. It was safer, they figured, to travel in a group than alone.

On their way out of the village, Hezbollah fighters stood on the side of the road and opened fire with machine guns on the fleeing civilians.

I was shocked, and I asked Alan to confirm this. Was it really true? Hezbollah opened fire on Lebanese civilians with machine guns? Alan confirmed this was true.

"Why?" I had an idea, but I wanted a local person to say it.

Because, Alan said, Hezbollah wanted to use the civilians of Ain Ebel as “human shields.” I did not use the phrase “human shields.” These were Alan’s own words.

Fortunately, Hezbollah didn’t kill anybody when they opened fire. One person was shot in the hand, and another was shot in the shoulder. This was enough, though, to do the job. The civilians turned around and went back to the village under Israeli bombardment

Læs det hele.

Afsløret på video: Prædikanter´s hadefulde budskab II

Jeg kunne have opdateret det andet indlæg med de første tre dele af den britiske dokumentar om islamisternes anvendelse af officielt mainstream moskéer som propagandacentraler i Storbritannien. Det indlæg er imidlertid blevet skubbet så langt ned, så jeg istedet vælger at smide alle 6 dele online i dette indlæg. Tiligere omtale af denne dokumentar her og her.













Mens stort set alle større Europæiske medier ignorerer dokumentaren og hvad den afslører, så er det allerede begyndt at flyve med pressemeddelelser, der fordømmer at nogen kunne finde på at afsløre den islamiske propaganda. Et eksempel, fra Muslim Council of Britain (via IRNA):

The Muslim Council of Britain (MCB) is accusing Channel Four commercial channel of attempting to foment division and sectarianism among Britain's 1.8 million Muslim community. ...

MCB said the Dispatches programme "mischievously tried to prove that key Muslim institutions are teaching the exact opposite to Islam commanding Muslims to deal positively and peacefully with those around us." The producers were "resorting to the dishonest tactic of selectively quoting from some recorded speeches for the purpose of misrepresentation," MCB secretary general Abdul Bari said.

"Their aim is to attach guilt by association. This continuing demonisation of British Muslims and the risible attempt at promoting sectarianism among British Muslims will be firmly rejected," Bari said.

UPDATE:

Mens mainstream-medierne for en stor dels vedkommende forbigår aflsøringerne i dokumentaren, så er den allerede tophistorie i blogosfæren - næsten 400 blogs har taget den op.

UPDATE II

Youtube-links´ne er nu nede. Jeg har istedet smidt et link til hele dokumentaren (48 minutter) på Google Video her.

Dansk distance - racisme-nedtællingen begynder

Fra Berlingskes "Udlænginge elsker vores land - og hader skatten":

Mens nytilflytterne er imponerede over vores sprogkundskaber og som sagt synes, at arbejdspladserne er gode til at give plads til både business og baby, ser det straks mere sort ud, når de skal vurdere vores venlighed.

Godt nok løber den danske skatteprocent og priserne i butikkerne med henholdsvis første- og andenpladsen blandt de ting, som bliver bedømt mest negativt, men ifølge formanden for Ingeniørforeningen i Danmark, Lars Bytoft, er det især værd at lægge mærke til tredjepladsen. At kun 33 pct. mener, at den danske befolkning er åben og imødekommende.

Nedtælling til oppositionen kalder dansk distance for "racisme": 5..4..3..2..

En meddelelse fra de politiske fløje

Hvis nogen ikke skulle have opdaget det, så har hvad der efter alt at dømme er venstreradikale hackere valgt kampen om Faderhusets hus til at øve vold mod ytringsfriheden. En stribe hjemmesider og blogs på højrefløjen på den anden side af Dansk Folkeparti er blevet eller har været lagt ned af DOS-angreb, deriblandt Faderhusets hjemmeside og de to højreradikale organisationer Dansk Fronts og Dansk NationalSocialistisk Bevægelses hjemmesider.

Bloggeren Balder er tilsvarende blevet lagt ned et utal af gange. Pt er han igang med at teste sin udbyder nummer 6. Dette oven i venstreradikales overfald på VU og SIAD de sidste to uger, og overfaldet på en børnegudstjeneste i Faderhuset i efteråret.

Her tillader jeg mig at citere Adlai E. Stevenson - to gange demokratisk præsidentkandidat i 1950ernes USA:

My definition of a free society is a society where it is safe to be unpopular.

Ironisk nok talte han dengang om hvad han opfattede som forfølgelse af venstreorienterede.

Tip II

En ting jeg et stykke tid har tænkt på er, at fortsætte mine periodiske anbefalinger af musik. Beslutningen er nu taget: de fortsætter. Massive protester kan dog endnu ændre min beslutning :-)

Denne tirsdags anbefalinger (og ja: der er dømt larmemusik igen):

Forever Never - "As I lie"



Nummeret var det eneste, jeg kunne finde en video af. Sæt nogel minutter af, og hør også nummeret "Saviour" på deres myspace (deres hjemmeside, deres myspace).

Bohica - Chokehold (Through my eyes)



Dette nummer er suverænt, men resten af deres musik er rent ud sagt skrammel-musik. Hvis nogen alligevel skulle have lyst til at lære mere om dem: deres hjemmeside, deres myspace.

Nå ja, en lille skæg notits: BOHICA er et slang-udtryk, en forkortelse for Bend Over, Here It Comes Again.

Socialistisk terror

Spaniens socialistiske regeringsleder Zapatero måtte forleden æde sin appeasement-politik over for terrorister i sig, da den tilsvarende socialistiske terrorgruppe ETA detonerede en bombe i Madrids Barajas-lufthavn. Dette skete natten efter at Zapatero på landsdækkende fjernsyn havde pralet af, hvor effektiv HANS fredsproces med terroristerne var i forhold til hans konservative forgængers bekæmpelse af dem.

De to Equadorianere Diego Armando Estacio, 19, og Carlos Alonso Palate, 35, måtte betale for livet for socialistens naivitet. Et billede af dem (fra typicallyspanish.com):



En idé om eksplosionens kraft kan man få af følgende video. Den er taget fra et overvågningskamera i lufthavnen. Selve eksplosionen fandt sted i en parkeringskælder et stykke derfra:

"Nu er jihaden mod Shia´erne, ikke mod Amerikanerne"

Man kan ikke åbne en avis uden at få at vide, at det endelig er lykkedes al Qaeda og allierede post-Baath terrorister at fremprovokere en krig mellem de religiøse grupper i Irak. Mellem linierne kan man læse sig til, at sunniernes drøm om, at de kunne dræbe sig vej til magten i Irak selv om de kun udgør 15% af befolkningen nu er blevet til et mareridt for dem. Helt fraværende i den danske presse er den forandring, realisationen af samme har medført i den suni-muslimske terror-bevægelse. Fra 'The jihad now is against the Shias, not the Americans' i The Guardian:

In Baghdad in late October I called a Sunni insurgent I had known for more than a year. He was the mid-level commander of a small cell, active against the Americans in Sunni villages north of Baghdad. Sectarian frontlines had been hardening in the city for months - it took us 45 minutes of haggling to agree on a meeting place which we could both get to safely. We met in a rundown workers' cafe.

Kidnapped

"Its not a good time to be a Sunni in Baghdad," Abu Omar told me in a low voice. He had been on the Americans' wanted list for three years but I had never seen him so anxious; he had trimmed his beard in the close-cropped Shia style and kept looking towards the door. His brother had been kidnapped a few days before, he told me, and he believed he was next on a Shia militia's list. He had fled his home in the north of the city and was staying with relatives in a Sunni stronghold in west Baghdad.

He was more despondent than angry. "We Sunni are to blame," he said. "In my area some ignorant al-Qaida guys have been kidnapping poor Shia farmers, killing them and throwing their bodies in the river. I told them: 'This is not jihad. You can't kill all the Shia! This is wrong! The Shia militias are like rabid dogs - why provoke them?' "

Then he said: "I am trying to talk to the Americans. I want to give them assurances that no one will attack them in our area if they stop the Shia militias from coming."

This man who had spent the last three years fighting the Americans was now willing to talk to them, not because he wanted to make peace but because he saw the Americans as the lesser of two evils. He was wrestling with the same dilemma as many Sunni insurgent leaders, beginning to doubt the wisdom of their alliance with al-Qaida extremists.

Another insurgent commander told me: "At the beginning al-Qaida had the money and the organisation, and we had nothing." But this alliance soon dragged the insurgents and then the whole Sunni community into confrontation with the Shia militias as al-Qaida and other extremists massacred thousands of Shia civilians. Insurgent commanders such as Abu Omar soon found themselves outnumbered and outgunned, fighting organised militias backed by the Shia-dominated security forces.

A week after our conversation, Abu Omar invited me to a meeting with insurgent commanders. I was asked to wait in the reception room of a certain Sunni political party. A taxi driver took me to a house in a Sunni neighbourhood that had recently been abandoned by a Shia family. The driver came in with me - he was also a commander.

The house had been abandoned in a hurry, cardboard boxes were stacked by the door, some of the furniture was covered with white cloths and a few cheap paintings were piled against a wall. The property had been expropriated by the local Sunni mujahideen and we sat on sofas in a dusty reception room.

Abu Omar had been meeting commanders of groups with names like the Fury Brigade, the Battalions of the 1920 Revolution, the Islamic Army and the Mujahideen Army, to discuss options they had for fighting both an insurgency against the Americans and an escalating civil war with the Shia.

Abu Omar had proposed encouraging young Sunni men to enlist in the army and the police to redress the sectarian balance. He suggested giving the Americans a ceasefire, in an attempt to stop ministry of interior commandos' raids on his area. Al-Qaida had said no to all these measures; now he wanted other Iraqi insurgent commanders to support him.

'Do politics'

A heated discussion was raging. One of the men, with a very thin moustache, a huge belly and a red kuffiya wrapped around his shoulder, held a copy of the Qur'an in one hand and a mobile phone in the other. I asked him what his objectives were. "We are fighting to liberate our country from the occupations of the Americans and their Iranian-Shia stooges."

"My brother, I disagree," said Abu Omar. "Look, the Americans are trying to talk to us Sunnis and we need to show them that we can do politics. We need to use the Americans to fight the Shia."

He looked nervously at them: suggestions of talking to the Americans could easily have him labelled as traitor. "Where is the jihad and the mujahideen?" he continued. "Baghdad has become a Shia town. Our brothers are being slaughtered every day! Where are these al-Qaida heroes? One neighbourhood after another will be lost if we don't work on a strategy."

The taxi driver commander, who sat cross-legged on a sofa, joined in: "If the Americans leave we will be slaughtered." A big-bellied man waved his hands dismissively: "We will massacre the Shia and show them who are the Sunnis! They couldn't have done anything without the Americans' support."

When the meeting was over the taxi driver went out to check the road, then the rest followed. "Don't look up, we could be monitored, Shia spies are everywhere," said the big man. The next day the taxi driver was arrested.

By December Abu Omar's worst fears were being realised. The Sunnis had become squeezed into a corner fighting two sides at the same time. But by then he had disappeared; his body was never found.

Baghdad was now divided: frontlines partitioned neighbourhoods into Shia and Sunni, thousands of families had been forced out of their homes. After each large-scale bomb attack on Shia civilians, scores of mutilated bodies of Sunnis were found in the streets. Patrolling militias and checkpoints meant that men with Sunni names dared not venture far outside their neighbourhoods, while certain Sunni areas came under the complete control of insurgent groups the Shura Council of the Mujahideen and the Islamic Army. The Sunni vigilante self-defence groups took shape as reserve units under the control of these insurgent groups.

Like Abu Omar before him, Abu Aisha, a mid-level Sunni commander, had come to understand that the threat from the Shia was perhaps greater than his need to fight the occupying Americans. Abu Aisha fought in Baghdad's western Sunni suburbs, he was a former NCO in the Iraqi army and followed an extreme form of Islam known as Salafism.

Jamming

Deep lines criss-crossed his narrow forehead and his eyes half closed when he tried to answer a question He seemed to evaluate every answer before he spoke. He claimed involvement in dozens of attacks on US and Iraqi troops, mostly IEDs (bombs) but also ambushes and execution of alleged Shia spies. "We have stopped using remote controls to detonate IEDs," he volunteered halfway through our conversation. "Only wires work now because the Americans are jamming the signals."

On his mobile phone he proudly showed me grainy images of dead bodies lying in the street, their hands tied behind their backs . He claimed they were Shia agents and that he had killed them. "There is a new jihad now," he said, echoing Abu Omar's warning. "The jihad now is against the Shia, not the Americans."

In Ramadi there was still jihad against the Americans because there were no Shia to fight, but in Baghdad his group only attacked the Americans if they were with Shia army forces or were coming to arrest someone.

"We have been deceived by the jihadi Arabs," he admitted, in reference to al-Qaida and foreign fighters. "They had an international agenda and we implemented it. But now all the leadership of the jihad in Iraq are Iraqis."

Abu Aisha went on to describe how the Sunnis were reorganising. After Sunni families had been expelled from mixed areas throughout Baghdad, his area in the western suburbs was prepared to defend itself against any militia attack.

"Ameriya, Jihad, Ghazaliyah," he listed, "all these areas are becoming part of the new Islamic state of Iraq, each with an emir in charge." Increasingly the Iraqi insurgency is moving away from its cellular structure and becoming organised according to neighbourhood. Local defence committees have intertwined into the insurgent movement.

"Each group is in charge of a specific street," Abu Aisha said. "We have defence lines, trenches and booby traps. When the Americans arrive we let them go through, but if they show up with Iraqi troops, then it's a fight."

A few days later Rami was telling me about the Sunni insurgents in his north Baghdad area. A network of barricades and small berms blocked the streets around the car in which we sat talking. A convoy of two cars with four men inside whizzed past. "Ah, they are brothers on a mission," Rami said.

Like every man of fighting age, Rami was required to take part in his local vigilante group, guarding the neighbourhood at night or conducting raids or mortar attacks on neighbouring Shia areas.

But he paid $30 a week to a local commander and was exempted.

According to Rami and other commanders, funding for the insurgents comes from three sources. Each family in the street pays a levy, around $8, to the local group. "And when they go through lots of ammunition because of clashes," Rami said, "they pay an extra $5." Then there are donations from rich Sunni businessmen, financiers and wealthier insurgent groups. A third source of funding was "ghaniama", loot which is rapidly becoming the main fuel of the sectarian war

'A business'

"Every time they arrest a Shia, we take their car, we sell it and use the money to fund the fighters, and jihad," said Abu Aisha. The mosque sheik or the local commander collects the money and it is distributed among the fighters; some get fixed salaries, others are paid by "operations", and the money left is used for ammunition.

"It has become a business, they give you money to kill Shia, we take their houses and sell their cars," said Rami. "The Shia are doing the same.

"Last week on the main highway in our area, they killed a Shia army officer. He had a brand new Toyota sedan. The idiots burned the car. I offered them $40,000 for it, they said no. Imagine how many jihads they could have done with 40k."

Og sandt nok lader det til, de irakiske "frihedskæmpere" i endnu større grad end normalt har vendt våbnene væk fra "besættelsestropperne" og over mod deres egene medborgere. Det gennemsnitlige antal dræbte koalitions-soldater pr. dag er således faldet drastisk, med godt 70% mellem december og januar. Samtidig er antallet af dræbte medlemmer af de irakiske sikkerhedsstyrker også styrtdykket - med 50%, mens antallet af dræbte civilister kun er svagt dalende.

Med andre ord: de sunni-muslimske terrorister er trykket i bund, og alle parter venter spændt på, hvilken side i de religiøse massakrer, amerikanerne vælger først at slå ned på. Som tidligere nævnt er de allerede i gang med at skrue bissen på over for Iran, der forsyner shia-ilitserne.

Irak: hvorfor medierne træder ved siden af

Fra New York Post, en artikel, der fortjener at være pligtlæsning på de danske udenrigs-redaktioner:

JUST outside Um al-Qasar, a port in south east Iraq, a crowd had gathered around a British armored car with a crew of four. An argument seemed to be heating up through an interpreter.

The interpreter told the Brits that the crowd was angry and wanted U.K. forces out of Iraq. But then a Kuwaiti representative of Amnesty International, accompanied by a journalist friend, approached - and found the crowd to be concerned about something quite different.
The real dispute? The day before, a British armored vehicle had an accident with a local taxi; now the cab's owner, backed by a few friends, was asking the Brits to speed up compensating him. Did these Iraqis want the Brits to leave, as the interpreter pretended? No, they shouted, a thousand times no!

So why did the interpreter inject that idea into the dialogue? Shaken, he tried a number of evasions: Well, had the Brits not been in Iraq, there wouldn't have been an accident in the first place. And, in any case, he knows that most Iraqis don't want foreign troops . . .

*

Since 2003, Iraq has experienced countless similar scenes, with interpreters, guides and "fixers" projecting their views and prejudices into the dialogue between Iraqis and the outside world.

Immediately after liberation, interpreting and "fixing" for the Coalition and for hundreds of foreign media people became a cottage industry, employing thousands. Most of those were former Ba'athist officials, often from the Ministry of Information or media companies owned by Saddam Hussein and his relatives. Some tried to curry favor with the new masters; others decided to wage political guerrilla war against the "invaders" by misleading them. Both ended up offering a twisted view of post-liberation Iraq.

The industry geared itself to meeting demand. In 2004, for example, many journalists coming to Baghdad wanted to interview the "militants" who were attacking U.S. soldiers. The industry obliged by arranging interviews.

One popular interviewee was one "Abu Muhammad," who claimed to be a fisherman by day and "a killer of Americans" by night. One U.K. paper paid $2,000 (a tidy sum in the cash-starved Baghdad of those days) for an exclusive with Abu Muhammad, who later took up a full chapter in a book published in London. The scam ended when someone found out that Abu Muhammad was, in fact, a busboy at a local hotel who'd grown a beard and was "fishing" Western journalists, splitting the proceeds with his cousin, who acted as interpreter and guide.

From 2004 onward, the situation improved. A new generation of Iraqi journalists with no Ba'athist background started to help Western colleagues. And Americans and Brits began hiring interpreters from outside Iraq, notably from ethnic Arab communities back home.

The new interpreters had some handicaps: They did not understand many Iraqi expressions and nuances; and Iraqis recognized them as non-Iraqis and were suspicious. Still, they were an improvement, for few had hidden agendas. ...

From the start, the war was also waged in Western circles, with their pro- and anti-war camps. A newspaper that had opposed the war would not tolerate "positive reporting" from Baghdad. One young British reporter who didn't understand that was surprised to see himself shifted to Paris to become a European correspondent. He had made the mistake of reporting that Iraq looked almost like a success, given where it had come from.

With the bulk of the media having opposed Saddam's ouster, negative reporting from Iraq became the norm. (Afghanistan gets a better press; Western elites are at worst ambivalent about the Taliban's fall.)

*

Another problem is that Iraq has become the focus of anti-American passions. Millions want Iraq to fail so that the United States will be humiliated. And Iraqis watch satellite TV - including channels from Iran, Egypt and Qatar that make a point of presenting post-liberation Iraq as a tragic quagmire. When CNN and the BBC send a similar message, Iraqis can be persuaded that their country is lost.

Imagine a resident of, say, Mandali or Nasseriah, who is told day and night that Iraq is sinking in a sea of fire and blood. He looks around and sees no evidence of that - but one can't blame him if he thinks that what the media say must be true in other parts of Iraq.

The fact that more than 90 percent of the violence that dominates reporting from Iraq takes place in five neighborhoods in Baghdad, plus one of the 18 Iraqi provinces, is neither here nor there. The perception is that all of Iraq is lost.

The old rule in the news business still holds: "If it bleeds, it leads." Stories about suicide attacks and carnage are more attractive than boring stuff about the emergence of a pluralist political consciousness and the mushrooming of thousands of small businesses. ...

Last month, Iraq received the U.N.'s special environmental prize for reviving parts of the marshes drained by Saddam, thus saving one of the world's most precious ecological treasures. Almost no one in the media noticed.

Also last month, the Iraqi soccer squad reached the finals of the Asian Games - beating out Japan, China, South Korea and Iran. Again, few in the West noticed.

In 2006, almost 200 major reconstruction projects were officially completed and 4,000 new private companies registered in Iraq. But few seem interested in the return of private capitalism after nearly 50 years of Soviet-style control.

Iraq's new political life is either ignored or dismissed as irrelevant. The creation of political parties (some emerging from decades of clandestine life), the work of Iraq's parliament, the fact that it is almost the only Arab country where people are free to discuss politics to their hearts' content - these are of no interest to those determined to see Iraq as a disaster, as proof that toppling Saddam was a modern version of the original sin.

Iraq may still become any of those things - but right now it is none of them. When the real history of the Iraq war is written, posterity might marvel at the way modern media were used to manufacture that original sin.

Iran får tommelskruerne på

Mens USA er i færd med at sende 21.000 ekstra soldater til Irak - hovedsageligt til Bagdad, og den irakiske regering overfører yderligere tre brigade til hovedstaden, hæves stemmen også over for Iran. Condoleeza Rice, den amerikanske udenrigsminister, vil ikke afvise militære indfald over den iranske grænse for at stoppe Irans forsyning og træning af shiitiske terrorister.

Samtidig sender USA oven i tropperne endnu en hangarskibs-kampgruppe til golfen, og en battalion Patriot ABM-missiler - der kun kan anvendes mod de iranske ballistiske missiler - bliver også sendt afsted. I selve Irak er handskerne blevet taget af, og 5 medlemmer af den iranske Revolutionsgarde er blevet arresteret i Arbil, hvorfra de forsynede lokale terrorister med våben og penge. Det er typer som disse, der står bag drabene på Kim Wadim, Bjarke Kirkmand, Jesper Nielsen og Martin Hjorth i Irak det sidste halvandet år, så herfra skal der lyde held og lykke til amerikanerne. De fire faldne danskere (kilder til billederne her, her, her og her):

Historisk notits

Frankrig foreslog i 1956 Storbritannien at de to lande burde indgå en union, alternativt at Frankrig kunne melde sig ind i det engelsktalende Commonwealth. At franskmændene så ville få den engelske dronning som statsoverhovede var ikke noget problem. Da begge forslag blev afvist af briterne lavede franskmændene i stedet en alliance med Tyskland, der senere udviklede sig til EU. Mere i The Guardian.

Interessant udvikling i den amerikanske flåde

En interessant udvikling i den amerikanske flåde:

At various times, DID has covered advance materials procurement and other contracts under the program to modify some of the USA's nuclear-powered Ohio Class SSBN nuclear missile submarines to become long range conventional strike and special operations SSGN "Tactical Tridents."

Four ultra-stealthy Ohio-class SSBNs are having their 24 Trident II D-5 nuclear ballistic missiles removed and replaced with up to 154 Tomahawk cruise missiles. The USA is also adding accomodation for 66-102 special forces troops, special attachments for new Advanced SEAL Delivery System (ASDS) or older Seal Delivery Vehicle (SDV) "mini-subs," and a mission control center. In future, the SSGNs may also carry UUV underwater robotic vehicles and even UAVs for aerial operations.

These modifications provide the USA with an impressive and impressively flexible set of conventional firepower, in a survivable and virtually undetectable platform that can remain on station for very long periods.

...og de radikale prædikanters produkt:

Også fra britisk tv: et nyhedsindslag om sagen mod terroristerne bag den anden bølge af selvmordsbombere i London i sommeren 2005, der heldigvis slog fejl (via LGF):



UPDATE:

Mere om sagen i The Independent.

Afsløret på video: Prædikanter´s hadefulde budskab

...og det er stadig ikke Faderhuset, der er tale om. Jeg har her på bloggen før fortalt om den britiske tv-station Channel 4´s arbejde med at smugle journalister ind i engelske moskeer, der officielt er mainstream, men i realiteten bare dækker over islamistiske propaganda-centraler. Det arbejde er der nu blevet en lille dokumentar ud af, der er endt på youtube. De første to dele (via LGF):






UPDATE - tredje del af dokumentaren:



Nu kommer der så et indgreb fra den britiske regerings side mod islamisterne, ikke? Nej, ikke helt. Regeringen foretrækker at lukke øjenene og lade som om det ikke sker. Og islamisterne trækker det sædvanlige heksejagts-kort. Fra The Observers omtale af dokumentaren:

In a statement to Channel 4, Lord Ahmed, the convener of the government's Preventing Extremism taskforce, said he was worried about the programme's consequences: 'While I appreciate that exaggerated opinions make good TV, they do not make for good community relations.'

A spokesman for Green Lane mosque said Islam does not denigrate women and that the instruction to hit a child was merely a smack. He accused C4 of intensifying the 'witch-hunt' against Muslims.

UPDATE II

Islamofascisme har opdaget, dokumentaren kan downloades her. Mens du downloader dokumentaren kan du passende nyde selve hjemmesidens soundtrack. Fra sangens omkvæd:

Aint gonna follow no child molester
Sex offender
Prophet pretender
Aint gonna follow no child molester
Islam´s not for me.

UPDATE III

Youtube-links´ne er nu nede. Jeg har istedet smidt et link til hele dokumentaren (48 minutter) på Google Video her.

"Årets mest fejlreporterede historie"

Peter Kurrild-Klitgård i dagens Berlinger, i den klassiske klumme Groft Sagt:

Prisen for årets mest fejlreporterede historie må gå til de mange medier, der forleden fortalte om optøjer på Rådhuspladsen, da autonome fra Jagtvej 69 og såkaldt »højrenationale« fra Dansk Front fra hver sin side blandede sig i Venstres Ungdoms fredelige markering til støtte for noget så vigtigt som privat ejendomsret.Begivenheden fik såmænd masser af mediedækning. Ritzau forklarede så poetisk, som det var uspecifikt, at der blev »kastet flasker fra højrefløj mod venstrefløj« – og da aviserne betaler for telegrammerne, så fortalte Jyllands-Posten og Stiftstidenderne ordret det samme. Ekstra Bladet fastslog utvetydigt, at flaskekasterne ikke var »vrede brugere af huset på Jagtvej 69«, men »højreekstremister«. MetroXpress skrev, at det var »en mindre gruppe højreekstremister, der angreb de unge (fra Ungdomshuset) med flasker«. I en nu forsvunden historie fra Politikens hjemmeside fik man samme vinkel, mens den trykte udgave af avisen kun kunne opsnuse, at det var »nogle maskerede«. På TV fortalte nogle, at det var højreekstremister, som kastede flasker efter de autonome, mens man på DRs hjemmeside mente, at det var »lidt uklart, hvem der kastede ting mod hvem«.Men hvem angreb hvem med hvad? Hvis det var ord mod ord, kunne det stå hen i det uvisse, men på den venstreekstremistiske hjemmeside modkraft.dk hedder det stolt: »Højreekstremisterne stod afventende i små grupper og fulgte opløbet, da de pludselig blev med angrebet flasker. En gruppe maskerede antifascister sendte højreekstremisterne på flugt.« På den farverige hjemmeside anarcho.dk hedder det: »En større gruppe autoer vælger at angribe nazigruppen, med det resultat at nazierne bakker ud og panserne går i mellem, inden man får fat i nazierne. Nogle autoer tilbageholdes, men løslades efter registrering. For at gentage: Det var ikke et angreb på VUs demo, det var et angreb på en større gruppe nazier.« Af de trykte medier fik kun B.T. – og det allerede på dagen – den rette vinkel på historien: At det »efter alt at dømme« var »venstreorienterede unge« og »autonome«, som angreb med brosten og flasker.Hvordan kan det lade sig gøre, at så mange medier får præcist den forkerte vinkel på en historie, der grundlæggende handler om respekt for ytringsfriheden? Man skulle tro, det var umuligt for en neutral, kritisk presse.

Politiseren på DR - og ønsketænkning

Engang imellem bliver man bare så træt, så træt af DR´s nyhedsdækning. Fra Cheney anklager Bush-modstandere:

- At trække soldater hjem fra Irak nu ville være den største og farligste fadæse, siger Cheney til den højreorienterede tv-station Fox News.

Fra Favorit melder snart ud om kandidatur:

Den populære demokratiske senator fra Illinois, Barack Obama, sagde i et interview med tv-stationen CBS søndag, at han "temmelig snart" vil meddele, om han stiller op til præsidentvalget i USA i 2008.

Avisen Chicago Sun-Times spår, at Obama vil meddele sin beslutning i den kommende uge, der indledes med en mærkedag for borgerretsforkæmperen Martin Luther King.

I den første historie får vi at vide, at Fox News er højreorienteret. I den anden får vi ikke at vide, at Chicago Sun-Times er højre- og CBS er venstre-orienteret. Fox News og Chicago Sun-Times er ellers ejet af samme mand, og har samme politiske profil.

Den eneste forskel på de to historier er, at den fordømmende historie er om en republikaner, mens den neutrale er om en demokrat.

Eller..."neutral" er så meget sagt. Vi får også en overskrift på historien om Obama, der mere er ønsketænkning end fakta. Ritzaus "Obama på vej med melding om præsidentvalg" bliver således i DR´s mund til "Favorit melder snart ud om kandidatur".

Man græmmes.